By DENIS LUBANGA
In Kenya’s political system, the Deputy President sits in one of the most delicate positions in government — powerful enough to be seen as a president-in-waiting, yet constrained enough to avoid ever appearing to outshine the President.
It is a role defined by constant balancing: loyalty without dependence, visibility without dominance, and ambition without rivalry. One misstep can turn a trusted deputy into a political liability.
This tension has played out repeatedly in Kenya’s history, from succession battles in past administrations to today’s constitutional order, where the Deputy President is both a running mate and a potential successor—sometimes within the same political breath.
To be seen as a credible successor, a Deputy President must be the President’s most devoted ally while still retaining enough independence to be viewed as a standalone leader.
Today, what was once a largely ceremonial vice-presidential role has evolved into one that requires the holder to support the President’s agenda while carefully managing public perception to avoid appearing competitive or disruptive.
According to political analysts and commentators, the Deputy President is not an ordinary figure in Kenya’s current constitutional dispensation.
“If you look at the infrastructure of the presidency, the Deputy President is not serving at the pleasure of the President de facto, but of course, we know they serve at the pleasure of the President, and that’s why today Gachagua is in court challenging his impeachment,” says political and communication analyst Odhiambo Otieno.
Last week, former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua’s impeachment case entered a significant new phase at the Milimani High Court. Gachagua is no longer seeking reinstatement but is instead asking the court to quash the 2024 impeachment verdict, clear his record, and restore his retirement benefits.
Gachagua was impeached in October 2024, becoming the first Deputy President in Kenya’s history to be removed from office through impeachment. He has since alleged that bribes were solicited in both the National Assembly and the Senate to facilitate his removal.
“The DP is elected alongside the President on a single ticket, so it means there is no room for monkey business. Initially, the vice presidency was used to balance what I could call the saints and the sinners in power. That is why the President always stood out as the saint and those around him as the sinners. The VP often became the scapegoat whenever something major went wrong,” Otieno explains.
With the clock ticking towards the August 10, 2027 General Election, analysts are urging Kenyan voters to scrutinise closely who is selected as Deputy President within political formations.
“Kenyans need to understand that the Deputy President is someone who is literally away from the heartbeat of the presidency. Anything can happen to the President because he is human. The President holds the ultimate responsibility for decision-making. So, when choosing a Deputy, you must understand that this is a potential President within that term—not only in the event of death, but also through impeachment if power dynamics shift,” Otieno notes.
In the run-up to the 2022 elections, questions emerged within the Kenya Kwanza camp over the Deputy President slot. It is claimed that current Deputy President Kithure Kindiki was initially considered for the position, but President William Ruto ultimately settled on Gachagua.
Ruto is believed to have chosen Gachagua over Kindiki due to his strong grassroots mobilisation skills, deep influence in the vote-rich Mt. Kenya region, and his political resilience during the campaign period.
Otieno also recalls 1998, when former President Daniel arap Moi secured his final election at a time when the vice presidency had no structured succession plan, setting the stage for intense political manoeuvring that followed.
Moi later sidelined his long-serving Vice President George Saitoti ahead of the 2002 succession. Despite serving as VP for over 13 years, Saitoti was bypassed in favour of Uhuru Kenyatta, who Moi endorsed as his preferred successor.
At a 2002 KANU delegates’ conference at Kasarani, Moi unveiled a new party structure introducing four vice-chair positions instead of a single deputy. Saitoti arrived expecting confirmation as sole deputy and heir apparent, only to find his name missing from the list.
When he protested, Moi reportedly dismissed him, saying, “Kimya” (be quiet), signalling the end of Saitoti’s standing in the party hierarchy.
Moi later endorsed Uhuru Kenyatta, arguing that he was better placed to “hold the country together.” As Saitoti resisted the decision and signalled presidential ambitions, Moi dismissed him from both his Vice President and Home Affairs Minister positions in August 2002, formalising their political break.
Saitoti later declared, “There comes a time when the nation is more important than an individual,” before joining the Rainbow Alliance, which merged with Mwai Kibaki’s camp to defeat KANU in the 2002 General Election.
“From that moment when the NARC coalition was formed, the arithmetic of politics in this country changed in terms of who becomes Vice President. It was no longer just appeasement or ethnic balancing. It became a tool used to win elections,” Otieno explains.
In 2002, the NARC coalition selected the late Michael “Kijana” Wamalwa as Vice President under President Kibaki. He served from January 2003 until his death in August the same year.
Otieno adds that even as political dynamics evolved, the role of Vice President remained central to balancing power.
“In 2007, Kibaki went to the elections without a substantive Vice President but later brought in Kalonzo Musyoka to restore balance,” he notes.
However, with the promulgation of the 2010 Constitution, the role was fundamentally redefined.
“The 2010 Constitution said you are not going to use the DP position to balance anything. You must use it strategically. With tighter electoral laws and institutions like the IEBC and courts, elections are now harder to manipulate. Anyone can become President if they mobilise properly. This forces candidates to be more calculated,” Otieno observes.
He further argues that the modern Deputy President must be carefully chosen to avoid instability.
“Today, we must understand how a Deputy President is selected so we do not end up with someone who is easily impeachable. They must be more than politicians—they must be technocrats who understand how government works,” he says.
However, in Gachagua’s case, Otieno notes that while he understood government operations, political dynamics created friction.
“There was a problem with Gachagua in the sense that, if you meet a self-made man, know that you are staring into the horrors of unskilled labour. Who made you is a very important question,” Otieno concludes.
